Opinion

Addis Declaration…The FFC Submission

By Mohamed Wadaa

• The Declaration sets the ground for the return of military- civilians partnership, which events have already bypassed
• Hemaidti sold the FFC-Central and Taggadum empty pots
• Addis Declaration nothing but a political alliance between the Militias and Taggadum
• The Declaration open the door for the army to conclude similar alliance it wishes
• Hemaidti meetings with leaders of the outgoing regime are aimed at forging an alliance, opposed by Coper Group
• The Addis Ababa Declaration was rejected and denounced by political forces, resistance committee and wide range of Sudanese people

A member of the Forces for Freedom and Change (FFC) who attended the Addis meeting in a briefing to a party group has expressed his (resentment) at the way the (replaced) militia leader Hemedti spoke, and expressed his (dismay) at the rebuke that targeted the FFC in terms of its lack of commitment to supporting the militia in its war. He also mentioned the fact that Hemedti has rejected FFC’s timid condemnation of the violations and crimes committed by RSF (claiming) that RSF forces did not commit any violations, and how the militia leader has in fact blown up in his statements to the Media following the meeting, everything that the two sides have agreed on. He said that they were in the belief that they had caught an elephant by making Hemedti pledge to leave the homes of citizens which will be something they would present to the Sudanese. But then Hemedti announced that he would not leave Khartoum until final peace agreement has been signed. He told the political group that Hemedti has in fact unveiled pledges made to the RSF by some leaders in the FFC, they would back up supporting the April 15 coup, a matter other FFC people were not aware of, and they were present at the meeting, which threatens further fracture and disintegration in freedom and change.
Hemedti announced before the media and in the presence of the leaders of Freedom and Change that he held meetings with leaders of the former regime (Hasabo – Karti – Ghandour – Safi Al-Nour), warning that the army “will dismantle” the country, and although these meetings were known, their purpose was not to issue warning and the truth is that it was an attempt to ally with (the Islamists) and the leaders of the former regime. It was received with opposition from the Cooper Group, and rejection from the Emirates, which summoned the leaders of FFC and facilitated an agreement between them, an alliance that led to the outbreak of the war under the banner of the framework agreement, this was the agreement which the leaders of the FFC used to cite under the slogan (framework Agreement or the War).
None could forget that the (Burhan-Hamdouk), agreement concluded in November was reached with the participation of the FFC leaders and with the full sponsorship of Abdel Rahim Dagalo, who was the only one who received praise from the President of the Sovereign Council in his speech after signing for his efforts to reach the agreement, and the truth that the leaders of the Freedom and Change know it that Hemedti, after failing to establish an incubator from the leaders of the former regime and Native administrations, returned to the alliance with the Framework
Agreement group, until the issue of how and when should the integration of the Rapid Support Forces surfaced. So Hemedti was demanding twenty years, which Freedom and Change reduced to ten years. Volcker suggested five years, but Hemedti stuck to his position.
It was clear that the main issues of ending the war were not present, and the Addis Declaration was prepared to furnish the missing political legitimacy role for the militia, while Freedom and Change would thus be attached to the meeting scheduled to be held in Djibouti, knowing that this was impossible, and that this attachment did not succeed in the Jeddah platform as that forum was concerned with ceasefire and opening of humanitarian paths. After the press conference, the agreement became mere ink on paper. Hemedti sold freedom and change (Ropes without Cows) in exchange for obtaining a political role linked to stopping the war, which is a big mistake the FFC have made. It will not lead to stopping the war, but will intensify its flames. It is, in fact, an official declaration of the alliance between the militia and Forces for Freedom and Change.
Although the Addis Declaration stipulated depriving the Sudanese Armed Forces, RSF, and Armed movements from practicing any political or economic activities, still it granted this right to the RSF, and based on that, no one expects the armed forces to accept anything less than that, and so the avenue followed by the agreement means the return of partnership between civilians and the military, something that events have bypassed.
What should be noted here is that the FFC it concluded a bilateral alliance with the Rapid Support, believes that the army will consider this declaration and join it, and this is a repetition of the framework formula, and thus it has opened the door for the army to form a political wing as well, which it will perhaps do, and it will work to conclude alliances with other political forces. It is clear that the expansion of the civil forces front has become obsolete now and this agreement will cause the disintegration of the FFC, especially after the rejection and denunciation with which the declaration was met from the political forces, the resistance committees and large sectors of the Sudanese people. The FFC will bear the burden of all the crimes committed by the Rapid Support Militia and will bite its fingers of remorse after signing this alliance and declaring its explicit support for the rebel militia.
(3rd of January 2024)

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