What Messages Does Maritime Agreement Between Türkiye and Somalia Carry?

Hashem Ali Hamid

The Defense Agreement between Somalia and Turkey, which was approved by the Somali Parliament on February 21, is seen according to various interpretations as blocking the way to the memorandum of understanding signed recently between Somaliland and Ethiopia, which Somalia rejected and described as an infringement on its sovereignty. So where is the Mogadishu-Ankara Agreement, and what are its repercussions on Ethio-Turkish relations and the regional aspect in the Horn of Africa?
On February 1, Ethiopia and Somaliland (which is not internationally recognized) signed a memorandum of understanding authorizing the former to lease 20 square kilometers of the latter’s coast around the port of Berbera on the Gulf of Aden.
The agreement allows landlocked Ethiopia to access the Red Sea, according to a 50-year contract for commercial maritime purposes, in addition to a military aspect by leasing part of the Somali coast to the Ethiopian Navy. This is matched by a promise that the former will recognize the latter’s independent state, according to statements announced unilaterally by Somaliland leader Musa Bihi Abdi.
We don’t want to fight;
The memorandum of understanding led to tension in the relationship between Ethiopia and Somalia, and the latter’s government considered it an agreement “illegal and outside the scope of international rules, and an infringement on Somalia’s sovereignty and a threat to its unity. Despite the expiration of the period that the two parties set for one month to document the Ethiopian memorandum of understanding with Somaliland, the reality it created led to regional dimensions after the visit made by Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mahmoud to Cairo, during which he met with the Egyptian leadership, which warned of intervention to help Somalia if requested to do so.

For his part, when addressing the Ethiopian House of Representatives on February 6, Prime Minister Abiye Ahmed said that he “has no desire to go to war with Somalia.” He added, “For the sake of peace in Somalia, thousands of Ethiopians died, because its peace is our peace, and its development is our development. We believe that we are brothers and we do not want to fight. We want a strong and prosperous Somalia that will be a market for Ethiopian products.”
Naval defense
The development of the framework agreement for defense and economic cooperation with Turkey, which was signed by Somali Defense Minister AbdelQader Mohamed Nour in the Turkish capital, Ankara, on the eighth of this month, with his Turkish counterpart, Bashar Guler, comes after it was finally approved by the Somali Parliament (to become effective), while the memorandum of understanding is still in unrecognized.
Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mahmoud explained that, “The agreement will help Somalia organize its naval forces and defend its territorial waters.” He pointed out that “it relates only to cooperation between Somalia and Turkey in the field of maritime defense and economic matters, and does not aim to incite hatred or conflict with any other country or government.”
He explained that “there are many violations in the Somali Sea, such as illegal fishing and terrorism,” stressing that the framework agreement concluded between the Somali and Turkish governments will last for 10 years, and will help resolve crises, and the Somali naval forces will be built, and that it is also important for economic development and benefiting from natural resources. “.
On August 19, 2011, President Rejab Tayyip Erdogan (when he was president of the Turkish government) visited the capital, Mogadishu, which was the first visit by a prime minister to Somalia at a time when the various Somali regions were experiencing crises of famine and drought. Hence, observers describe the recent agreement between Ankara and Mogadishu as a natural path for relations that have remained close between the two parties.

It is noteworthy that Somalia signed a memorandum of understanding with Washington on February 15 to establish five training centers for Somali forces in a number of regions of the country.
The Somali President said, “Under the memorandum of agreement, Washington will increase its support and training efforts for the Somali army by building five military training bases in four federal states in addition to the capital, Mogadishu.” For her part, the US Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs said, “The memorandum is of great importance to Washington in order to rehabilitate the Somali army.”
Ready forces;
An Ethiopian military official said on February 20, “that his forces are more ready than ever to carry out any mission.” The representative of the Commander of the Ethiopian Navy, Brigadier General Nasser Abadga, noted, according to what was reported by Fana Broadcasting Corporation (FBC), “that the Navy carries out its tasks anywhere and at any time. He stressed the main role it plays in enhancing the honor of the country by taking countermeasures against anti-peace forces. And that “The construction of the Ethiopian Navy will suit the requirements of the times by adapting to new military technologies.”
On February 22, a Turkish Ministry of Defense official explained, “Ankara will provide maritime security support to Somalia to help the African country defend its territorial waters.” Commenting on the details of the agreement, he added, “Ankara has been providing training to the Somali army for more than 10 years.” He continued, “Based on Somalia’s request, we will provide support in the field of maritime security, as we did in the field of combating terrorism. We will help Somalia develop its capabilities to combat illegal and irregular activities in its territorial waters.”
Enhancing interests;
In this context, the head of the Ethiopian Institute for Popular Diplomacy, Yass Ahmed, says, “In my estimation, the agreement between Mogadishu and Ankara serves to enhance the common interests between the two countries, and it represents the culmination of the process of development of Turkish-Somali relations that began recently since 2011 when Turkish President Erdogan made the historic visit to Somalia.” Then bilateral relations developed until they reached the level of a strategic partnership.”
He adds, “There are security, economic, and strategic dimensions to the agreement, with Turkey bearing responsibility for securing Somali waters and combating crimes such as illegal fishing, arms smuggling, human trafficking, piracy, and foreign interference.” He points out, “In the event of any violation, Turkey will defend Somali waters just as it defends its own waters.”
Ahmed explains, “This agreement aims to build a strong Somali army that fulfills the interests of neighboring countries in general, and Ethiopia in particular. Ethiopia has always sought to help Somalia and participate with its soldiers within the African Union peacekeeping forces in order to build a strong national Somali army that will maintain security and stability in Somalia, and protect the common border between the two countries.
Yesss describes the Somali-Turkish agreement as “strengthening the Ethiopian-Turkish partnership to protect regional common interests in the Horn of Africa.”
He points out that Ankara will not neglect its strategic relations with Addis Ababa, especially after it obtained a sea port on the Red Sea following its signing of the memorandum of understanding with the Republic of Somaliland, so that Ethiopia will move from a local power to a regional power and become an important player in the regional and international equations in protecting the security of the Red Sea to the south and the entrance to Bab Al-Mandab and securing the international trade passage.”
He goes on to say that “the Turkish-Somali military rapprochement in the Horn of Africa region will have positive effects because African leaders see Turkey as a reliable partner, and the Turkish presence contributes to creating balances of international and regional powers, especially the military bases of some international powers located in Djibouti, Somalia and Ethiopia.” .

Significances of agreement;
In this context, Somali writer and academician Ahmed Jesud says, “Since Turkey’s visit to the country, Somalia has the largest Turkish base abroad, and Ankara trains the Somali army and supports the country’s budget with six million dollars annually, in addition to its commitment to the principle of non-interference in the country’s internal affairs. These are factors that made it a close ally of the Somalis, in addition to ensuring the protection of the coasts against piracy, terrorism, and attempts to violate the borders, and the reorganization of the Somali naval forces, within the framework of a 10-year defense agreement.”
Jesud adds, “The implications of the defense agreement between Somalia and Turkey can be derived from the desire of both sides to expand bilateral relations, especially military cooperation between the two countries to include rebuilding the Somali naval forces, exchanging intelligence information, and cooperation against terrorism.”
For his part, international affairs researcher Adel Hamed says, “There is global competition over the Horn of Africa region because of its influence on the course of global trade in the Red Sea and its important strategic location, which has prompted many major countries to compete in building military bases in some countries of the region to preserve their interests.” “.
He added, “As for the impact of the security agreement, it certainly provides Somalia with reassurance in its preservation of its coasts against any encroachments, whether represented by greedy countries, terrorist entities, or others.”
Characteristic of conflict;
In turn, international law professor Mohammad Awad Al-Baroudi says, “The issue of the seas and the related ports, bases, and civil, military, and intelligence presence have become a feature of the international and regional conflict between countries, and the Somali region, since before the civil war (1992-1996), has remained an attractive spot for many countries seeking to achieve strategic goals linked to competitions in the international arena in the presence of competing players and visible and unforeseen challenges.”

He added, “Strategic stakeholders agree on the importance of the Somali coast and what it can play in the future, and from here came the American interest when the American forces formed the command of the United Nations forces when they entered Somalia in 1992, and the course of the civil war that followed, and after the expulsion of the American forces, the Somali arena became Free of foreign presence except for some African forces and some countries working in the humanitarian framework.”
He continues, “Amid harsh Somali conditions of drought and famine as a result of the cessation of production and the migration of people and farmers, Arab countries entered for humanitarian motives to help the Somalis due to their ties with Somalia, and provided humanitarian aid and other contributions in an effort to restore stability and peace to the Somali arena.”
The Somali arena is empty;
He explains that “the emptiness of the Somali arena after the withdrawal of UN forces and the departure of American forces in March 1994 was an impetus for the entry of other countries out of interest, especially in the circumstances of the real need of the Somali people for various aid and facilities, including education, security, and others.”
He says, “The defense and economic cooperation agreement between Turkey and the state of Somalia represents an extension of mutual needs between the two parties. It is not necessarily an extension of previous Turkish aid as much as it is the result of new circumstances and interests that require concluding such an agreement.”
“But the danger now is represented by multiple regional challenges, and therefore Somalia is in dire need of relying on forces that protect its lands and coasts against any ambitions,” he added, “This aspect in itself constitutes an opportunity for Turkey, which also aspires to an easy presence in the region, and this cooperative agreement may secure its legitimacy in the region whose duration may extend from 10 years – according to the signed agreement – to dozens of years under unknown circumstances and with interests that are not limited by time.