Save the people of Sudan!

Dr. Al-Shafi’ Khader Saeed

Despite any justifications mentioned and other justifications for them, what happened in the village of Wad Al-Noura, located west of the Managil area in Gezira state in Sudan, is a heinous crime that was added to the series of other crimes attributed to the Rapid Support Forces RSF since the beginning of the dirty war in April 2023.
The crime claimed the lives of more than 200 people from the simple civilian village, and it is known on Wednesday, June 5th, and it is recommended that the month of June remain in the minds of the Sudanese associated with the shedding of the blood of its civilian sons, as the ominous bloody Monday, June 3rd, 2019, witnessed the crime of dispersing the peaceful sit-in of the revolutionaries in front of the headquarters of the General Command of the Sudanese Army SAF killing hundreds of them, and the period from June 13th to 21st, 2023 begins with massacres of thousands of residents of the city of Al-Geneina, the capital of West Darfur, at the hands of the Rapid Support Forces RSF , and the current month of June witnesses the possibility of invading the city of Al-Fasher, the largest city in Darfur, as the imminent project could lead to a massacre on a scale similar to what happened in the city of Al-Geneina.
But all months of the year, not just June, are soaked in the blood of the Sudanese, and killing and bloodshed are not limited to the Rapid Support Forces RSF exclusively.
In fact, what is happening in Sudan, particularly since its success in managing the investigation system in 2019, is more or less far from the common and well-known meaning of the concepts of politics and political conflict, as much as it is closer to being a politicized version of the activities of organized crime and the full-fledged gangs. The war that has been going on in Sudan for more than a year between the Sudanese army and the Rapid Support Forces is a brutal battle that has led to widespread death, sexual violence, and the displacement of hundreds of thousands to neighboring countries without livelihood support.
It also leads to the largest internal displacement crisis in the world, and has caused about 2.5 million other people in Sudan to be at risk of dying of hunger. It is clear that none of the warring parties seems interested in igniting the war, and that many other countries are working to fuel it directly, and that the Sudanese civilian forces are still able to do so as well, and in the current constitution they cannot do much to protect the people of Sudan.
The efforts of the World community are pointless, uncoordinated and do not appear to be part of a larger strategy to achieve a sustained ceasefire.
The policy of sanctions imposed on some leaders of both sides of the war does not seem to be bearing the desired results. The United States US may not have much influence over the warring parties, but it seems unwilling to use its real influence over their supporters of tourism, knowing that the direct support of these supporters of tourism is the direct cause of the continuation of the war and the destruction of Sudanese civilians.
Some international human rights organizations may support the description of the fetus allegations referred to above as genocide, but they may consider it a passing event and do not see it as a disaster that prevails in the country.
However, despite the extent of the massacres in the country, efforts have resumed to legal documents of the Office of the Special Adviser for the Prevention of Genocide, and there are many warning signs along the way regarding genocide in Sudan, as well as many opportunities to prevent it. It is the inaction or ineffectiveness in addressing warning signs that allows genocide to become a reality. The warning signs included in the Statute of the Office of the Special Counsel include: a strong and widespread provision of human rights; the inadmissibility of abuse if the patterns of conduct are systematic and repeated; potential motives or incentives that could be used to justify the use of violence and the infliction of serious bodily or mental harm on specific groups of people; the infliction of conditions of life on these groups and others, essentially, that are intended to bring about their physical destruction in whole or in part; the inability of state structures that should protect the civilian population… and so on.
Yet, despite the atrocities committed in El Geneina against the Masalit ethnic group, many in the international community continue to argue whether these atrocities meet the definition of genocide. Even if their arguments are valid, the international community should not be bogged down in a legal debate about whether this atrocity meets the definition of genocide if we are serious about preventing or stopping genocide in the future.
By the time we verify a particular atrocity that has assumed the definition, it may be too late, and we must recognize the signs of approaching or the possibility of falling into the trap of genocide, so that we can act in a timely manner, as the former Secretary-General of the United Nations UN Kofi Annan, rightly pointed out.
The massacres and horrific violations in Sudan will not be deterred by condemnations and statements of denunciation, but rather require the international community to assume its responsibilities in protecting the Sudanese civilian population, starting with the use of the powers organized in the UN Charter, Chapter 7 to impose a ceasefire and deliver humanitarian aid, particularly to the displaced and refugees, ban the entry of weapons into Sudan, and issue extreme international sanctions on countries that support the continuation of the war in Sudan and enable the continuation of these crimes and violations in flagrant violation of the rules of international legitimacy, most notably Security Council Resolution No. 1591, and expanding the scope of work of the International Commission of Inquiry of the UN Council. Human rights and obligations of the warring parties have accepted this, and that they have reached the point of not adhering to the standards stipulated in international humanitarian law in all areas of Sudan, and that they have committed war crimes during this war.

Quoted from Al-Quds Al-Londoni