An Evening with President al-Burhan in Doha

As I See

Adil El-Baz

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There is a world of difference between an embassy headed by a chargé d’affaires who actively engages with the community, listens to its concerns, and works to meet its aspirations, and an embassy led by a “sitting diplomat” who does nothing for his country or its diaspora.

For years, we neither visited the embassy nor even knew its precise location. Suddenly, it has become our destination—where we go to process all our affairs, meet with officials, discuss national issues, and receive updates on developments back home. In short, our embassy has returned to the embrace of the homeland after a long estrangement, thanks to the energy of Acting Ambassador Mohammed Mirghani, the wisdom of veteran Counselor Maj. Gen. Abdel Hakim Jaafar, Military Attaché Col. Yasser al-Tayeb, Consul Hassan al-Sharif, and the young staff who have transformed it into a buzzing hive of activity. Truly, circumstances change in remarkable ways.

Just two days ago, President Abdel Fattah al-Burhan visited the new passport complex soon to open at the embassy in Doha—one of its most important recent achievements. With this fresh dynamism, which will undoubtedly grow after the arrival of Ambassador Badr al-Din, al-Burhan’s meeting with the community found a far more vibrant atmosphere than in the stagnant years of the past.

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This introduction leads to the Sudanese community’s meeting with President al-Burhan last Wednesday during his visit to Doha. His trip was not limited to attending the Arab-Islamic summit but became a rare opportunity for Sudanese expatriates to engage directly with the country’s head of state.

The meeting lasted three hours, marked by bold questions and candid answers, opening the floor to discussions of politics, war and peace, and the economy.

For the large Sudanese community in Qatar—like their compatriots abroad—social media is often the main source of news, though rarely reliable. Thus, hearing directly from officials is a valuable opportunity; how much more so when it is the president himself?

The gathering drew a large and distinguished audience, reflecting the makeup of Doha’s Sudanese community—professionals, senior intellectuals, military experts, former diplomats, and other respected figures. It is a refined and influential community, held in high regard both by Qatari society and fellow expatriates.

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More than fifty questions were posed to the president during the meeting. He answered them all openly, inviting even more questions as participants offered proposals, voiced grievances, and sought clarifications. He addressed each point carefully. Here, I will highlight three key issues from his responses.

The most significant question—later widely covered in the media—concerned Sudan’s position on the statement by the “Quartet” (Egypt, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and the U.S.). Al-Burhan said his government had not been consulted and was not a party to the statement, and therefore was under no obligation to abide by it.

He insisted that the international community must first compel the militias to comply with two existing UN Security Council resolutions: the arms embargo on Darfur and the lifting of the siege on El Fasher. Only then could there be serious talk of a roadmap.

He explained that Sudan had already presented its own clear roadmap to the international community: a ceasefire would only follow the withdrawal of militias from the cities they entered after the Jeddah Declaration, with their forces relocated to camps pending future arrangements. Moreover, the international community must pressure the militias’ backers to stop supplying them with weapons and push them into the camps.

Al-Burhan stressed that if a state supporting the insurgency were to admit its role and cease it, Sudan could then sit down and negotiate—but not before. “If they deny supporting the rebellion, then what exactly is there to negotiate about?” he asked.

He reiterated that the general amnesty remains open for anyone who lays down arms and returns to the fold of the nation, including opposition members who had supported the militias but might return to their senses and back the homeland’s position.

At the outset of the meeting, al-Burhan recalled that Sudan had long declared the UAE an aggressor state. What is happening in Sudan, he said, is a clear Emirati act of aggression, and Sudan has submitted evidence of this to the UN Security Council and international courts. This remains Sudan’s position.

He added that Sudan had engaged with three of the Quartet members to clarify its stance on the statement, hinting that they had shown understanding—though he did not elaborate further.

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The second major issue raised by attendees was the military situation on the ground, particularly in El Fasher. Al-Burhan replied that operations were proceeding according to plan, with a strategy focused on gradually weakening the enemy’s capabilities.

He acknowledged public frustration over the pace of progress: “We move according to plans and intelligence. The same approach was taken in Sennar, Wad Madani, Khartoum, and other areas—and though people complained of slow progress then too, the results were eventually positive.”

He assured the audience that the army would reach El Fasher and break the siege, noting that efforts were already underway to deliver food and aid to the city. He refrained from going into deeper operational details, which was understandable in such a forum.

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The third issue concerned external pressures, which he described as “scare tactics” designed to serve foreign agendas—for instance, the so-called Islamist scarecrow.

“They know we do not submit to anyone,” al-Burhan said. “Islamists are fighting alongside the armed forces, just like the rest of the people.” The only prohibition, he emphasized, is political party activity within the army; personal beliefs of individual soldiers, whatever they may be, are not a matter for the state.

He also dismissed the notion of Sudan being under Iran’s influence: “Our relationship with Iran is no different from our relations with any other country. Iran has no bases or special status in Sudan.”

On international alliances, he stated: “Our goal is to serve Sudan’s interests on the basis of equality and mutual benefit. Sudan will not accept any alliance that seeks to exploit it.”

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In closing, al-Burhan promised to study the many proposals raised during the meeting and to establish a mechanism for implementing them, particularly those related to the country’s future, foreign relations, media, and economy.

He emphasized his government’s openness to any ideas that could contribute to building strong economic, political, and social institutions.

Overall, the meeting proved fruitful. The president fielded all questions with openness and composure. At its conclusion, he expressed gratitude to the State of Qatar—its people and its Emir—for their steadfast support of Sudan, whether through international forums, humanitarian aid, or other forms of assistance during these difficult times.

For the Sudanese community, the gathering felt like an intimate session with the nation’s leadership, reaffirming that Sudanese in Qatar are not detached from their homeland’s struggles. Their voices are heard, their suggestions taken seriously, at a critical juncture in Sudan’s history.

As the meeting ended, members of the community left reassured by the president’s words and grateful to the embassy staff for making the encounter possible—the first of its kind for Sudanese in Qatar.