The UAE in Our Hearts

Dr. Ahmed bin Othman Al-Tuwaijri

Amid the tensions that have emerged in relations between the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates—particularly with regard to developments in southern Yemen—it is both necessary and imperative to distinguish between the Kingdom’s relationship with the UAE as a whole and its position toward the practices of Abu Dhabi. It is equally necessary to distinguish between Saudi Arabia’s stance on Abu Dhabi’s policies and the bonds of brotherhood and solidarity that unite the people of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia with the people of the United Arab Emirates.

It goes without saying that Saudi Arabia has no problem whatsoever with the United Arab Emirates as a state. Its sole and fundamental issue lies with Abu Dhabi and with those whose hearts have been blinded by hatred, jealousy, and resentment—those who have chosen to become a dagger in the side of the Arab nation and a foolish mount ridden by Zionism to achieve its ambitions in the region and across the Arab world.

It is also self-evident that the Saudi people harbor nothing but affection, brotherhood, and respect for the Emirati people, including the citizens of Abu Dhabi. The Emirati people occupy a place in the Saudi heart just as do all Arab and Islamic peoples.

Saudi Arabia was the originator of the idea of unifying the Emirates and was the largest supporter of their independence—politically, diplomatically, financially, and materially. Any student of modern Gulf history knows that King Faisal bin Abdulaziz (may God have mercy on him) was the architect of the UAE’s independence and unification. He persuaded the British to withdraw from the Gulf emirates and used his influence in Washington to encourage the United States to pressure the British government to expedite that withdrawal. He also exerted every effort to convince the rulers of the Emirates of the benefits of unity and its value to all parties. Moreover, he persuaded the Shah of Iran not to oppose Emirati independence, whether during the Shah’s visit to the Kingdom in 1968 or later when King Faisal dispatched his special adviser, Dr. Ma‘rouf Al-Dawalibi (may God have mercy on him), to Tehran for this purpose.

These facts are neither fictional nor rhetorical claims; they are documented in official records, including exchanged correspondence and meeting minutes between King Faisal and the rulers of the Gulf emirates and relevant international leaders. They are also recorded in scholarly books and academic studies, including—by way of example—the work of Professor Tankred Bradshaw titled The End of Empire in the Gulf: From the Trucial States to the United Arab Emirates, as well as the academic study by Dr. Fahd Abbas Al-Salman of Kirkuk University, Saudi Arabia’s Role in the Independence of the Arab Gulf Emirates (1968–1971).

It is deeply regrettable that decades of Saudi support, assistance, and patronage toward the UAE have been met by Abu Dhabi with ingratitude, denial, the recycling of grudges, and conspiracies against the Kingdom and the Arab world.

To place matters in their proper context, three principal factors have contributed to shaping Abu Dhabi’s position:

First, entrenched resentment in Abu Dhabi and the constant revival of long-past historical grievances. In a document leaked by WikiLeaks in November 2010, Mohammed bin Zayed (then Crown Prince of Abu Dhabi) was quoted on July 31, 2006, as saying that “the UAE fought 57 battles against Saudi Arabia” and that “the Saudis are not my dear friends.” Other leaked remarks attributed to him stated that “long-standing historical disputes continue to cast a shadow over present relations between the UAE and Saudi Arabia.” A further WikiLeaks document dated April 2008 reported that Mohammed bin Zayed told U.S. naval operations commander General Gary Roughead that “the world has changed” and that the UAE was optimistic despite being located in a region dominated by backwardness—citing Saudi Arabia as an example.

Another document dated June 25, 2008, indicated that UAE Foreign Minister Abdullah bin Zayed had been inciting the Americans against Saudi Arabia, held a deeply negative view of King Abdullah bin Abdulaziz (may God have mercy on him), and saw no promising figures among younger Saudi princes. In addition, Mohammed bin Zayed appears to have internalized the belief that King Faisal forced his father, Sheikh Zayed (may God have mercy on him), to accept Saudi demands regarding border demarcation and its political and economic consequences—a claim wholly refuted by historical documentation and preserved recordings and minutes of the discussions between King Faisal and Sheikh Zayed.

Second, intense envy and jealousy—felt by Abu Dhabi in particular, rather than by the other emirates—toward Saudi Arabia for hosting the Two Holy Mosques and the Holy Kaaba; for its unparalleled standing not only among Muslims but globally; for its vast natural resources and territorial expanse; and for the sweeping transformations brought about by Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s Vision 2030. The unprecedented economic, administrative, and social achievements realized under the Vision have diverted attention away from what Abu Dhabi once boasted, redirecting significant investment and tourism from the UAE to Saudi Arabia.

Third, the false illusion in Abu Dhabi that the quickest path to avenging past grudges and alleviating jealousy and feelings of inferiority toward the Kingdom lies in aligning with Zionism—accepting a role as Israel’s Trojan horse in the Arab world in hopes of leveraging that alliance against Saudi Arabia and other major Arab states. What a betrayal of God, His Messenger, and the entire nation—and what shortsighted folly. Israel is on a path toward rapid decline, while the nation endures by God’s will.

Saudi Arabia has never been unaware of Abu Dhabi’s true positions or its conspiratorial steps against the Arab nation in general and the Kingdom in particular. Rather, it responded to offense with benevolence, endured harm with patience, and repelled evil with good—out of concern for regional and broader national interests and in the hope that the misguided would awaken and return to reason. Unfortunately, they persisted in their deviation.

In Yemen, Abu Dhabi engaged in sabotage unprecedented in modern Arab history, seeking by every means to undermine Saudi efforts toward political unity, stability, and development for the Yemeni people. In Libya, it supported separatist factions with money, weapons, and airstrikes against areas controlled by the internationally recognized legitimate government, deepening Libya’s wounds and obstructing all national and international efforts toward unity and stability. In Sudan, in full coordination with the Zionist entity, it provided extensive support to the Rapid Support Forces militia, which spread chaos, committed looting, rape, and ethnic cleansing, and destroyed any hope of restoring unity, security, and stability.

A report prepared by five UN experts and submitted last November to the UN Security Council’s Sudan Sanctions Committee stated that an air bridge between Emirati airports and an airport in Chad was transporting weapons and ammunition to Sudanese rebels, and that Il-76 aircraft involved routinely switched off tracking systems for extended periods. Multiple reports have also documented Abu Dhabi’s recruitment of mercenaries from around the world to support rebels in Sudan, Yemen, and Libya. In Tunisia, they infiltrated quietly, buying loyalties with money—those of traitors, Israeli agents, and Francophone proxies—to squander the Tunisian people’s hopes for freedom, dignity, and self-determination.

In Egypt, exploiting severe economic hardship, Abu Dhabi penetrated key sectors of the economy—most notably ports—seeking controlling stakes in major financial, industrial, and agricultural institutions, including the Commercial International Bank (CIB), Beltone Holding, Fawry for Financial Technology, Abu Qir Fertilizers, MOPCO, and Alexandria Container & Cargo Handling (AlexCont), in addition to massive real-estate investments worth tens of billions of dollars such as Ain Sokhna. All of this aimed at controlling Egypt’s economic levers as a prelude to influencing its sovereign decisions. Beyond that, Abu Dhabi conspired with Ethiopia and provided financial support for the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, posing Egypt’s gravest strategic threat—all in service of Israel’s broader ambitions.

In Somalia, Abu Dhabi worked relentlessly to separate the north from the south, granting the Zionist entity a foothold in the Horn of Africa—fulfilling a long-held Israeli objective to control the Bab al-Mandeb Strait and complete the encirclement of Egypt and Saudi Arabia, the ultimate targets of these interventions.

Once again, these facts are not fabrications or hostile allegations; they are documented in academic studies and official reports, including the study titled The Emerging Sub-Imperial Role of the United Arab Emirates in Africa, published by the Dutch Transnational Institute, renowned for its independence and scholarly rigor.

Before and after all this, it has been firmly established that Abu Dhabi was among the most aggressive inciters urging Israel’s assault on Gaza—and even participated in the war by spying on resistance forces through the UAE Red Crescent and by providing Israel with locations of rocket launch sites and resistance gatherings. More gravely, Euronews reported on January 13, 2023, that a leaked Emirati document dated October 1, 2023, revealed directives from the UAE’s top leadership to prepare several Emirati military bases to support Israeli operations in Gaza, including the use of sites in Yemen, Eritrea, and Somalia—such as Mokha, Assab, Berbera, and Bosaso—as key platforms for supplying Israel with weapons, ammunition, and intelligence. These claims were corroborated by The Jerusalem Post in a report published on January 13, 2026, by Israeli journalist Mathilda Heller titled: “UAE used military bases in Red Sea region to aid Israel’s war against Hamas, leaks reveal.”

Nor did Abu Dhabi limit itself to conspiring against Arab states; it extended its campaign to target Muslim minorities in the West. In March 2023, The New Yorker published an in-depth investigation detailing UAE efforts to target Islamic centers, institutions, and figures in Western countries, citing its contract with the Swiss firm Alp Services, which recruited academics, journalists, and writers to disseminate false and misleading allegations against numerous Muslim organizations and personalities—again, in service of Israeli interests.

Despite the gravity and ugliness of Abu Dhabi’s actions, they will not alter our view of the UAE or its noble people. The UAE will remain in our hearts—in the wisdom of Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan (may God have mercy on him); in the insight and integrity of Sheikh Sultan Al-Qasimi (may God protect him); in the charitable works and benevolent hands of the rulers of Sharjah, Ras Al Khaimah, Umm Al-Quwain, Fujairah, and Ajman; in the steadfast Emirati thinkers and intellectuals; and in the authenticity and kindness of the Emirati people. Saudi Arabia will remain a loyal sister to the UAE, and the Saudi people will remain brothers to the Emirati people. Disgrace and shame will befall those who have strayed from the right path: “And Allah prevails over His affair, but most people do not know.”