Rapid Support Forces, a flash of Fire Under Ashes

Dr. Al-Derdiri Mohamed Ahmed

I could see the great interest by the state in the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and its leadership since the days of Al-Bashir and through the transitional period as a flash of fire under the ashes, and I was afraid that it would spark a flame. I was certain that there was someone leading us to a fierce war that would not last or end… Many had not heard that there were Arabs in Niger or Mali until after this invasion of Sudan. So what is the identity of these Arabs… and the project that was behind bringing them from their distant settlements to the capital of our country to wreak havoc there?.

These Bedouins were known for their brutality, raiding the suburbs, and corrupting the land, as Ibn Khaldun mentioned. It is worth noting that some Arab tribes entered Africa in search of pasture. Some of them rode in groups that headed west, following the oases spread on the line dividing the Sahara Desert and the savannah belt, to settle there. The residence is in Mauritania, and most of them are from the Qaysians, while the other group penetrated to the southwest, following the King’s Valley, in a leisurely effort that lasted for four centuries, to find the walking stick in the Lake Chad Basin, northern Cameroon, and Nigeria, and these people are from Judham.
As for the Juhayna tribe, they went to the Lake Chad basin to reach it in about 1460 AD, that is, after a struggle and prosperity that lasted for four hundred years. After the incident of “Shaqqa Al-naqa (She-Camel)” or “Al-Ariqi Camel”, which is famous in the mythology of these tribes, and which occurred around the year 1560 AD, part of these tribes turned towards the south-east to enter the rain belt in Darfur and Kordofan, while others remained in the Lake Chad basin or joined the Shari River west towards what is now known as Niger, Mali and beyond. These are the people to whom this article refers to the term “Arab diaspora.”
Our Arab world did not care to study these migrations or the Arab diaspora that resulted from them.

However, it was the Jews who paid more attention to these migrations and studied them using modern scientific methods in order to understand the reality and characteristics of the peoples of the Arab diaspora and determine the most effective ways to deal with them and how to employ them to serve their purposes. They spent millions on it. Their efforts resulted in a library containing hundreds of studies that were prepared using the best methods of anthropology and DNA techniques. While some of these studies were made available to scholars through academic search engines on the Internet, there are some that are classified under high levels of confidentiality.
I mention from the open studies a study by Thomas Levy and Augustine Hall published in 2002 in the Journal of Anthropological Archeology *This study made a comparison between the migration of Jews to the land of Canaan around 1100-1300 BC and the migration of Judham Bedouins to northern Cameroon and Nigeria during the period from 1050-1390 AD, who are currently known as the Shuwa Arabs. The basic thesis proven by this study is that migrations represent effective forces in forming peoples’ identities. The major migration of a people is rooted in the “collective memory” of that people and shapes their character. Just as the wandering journey through the Sinai Desert shaped the identity of the Israelis, the migration for four centuries along the Nile Basin and then the King’s Valley is the decisive factor in forming the identity of the Shuwa Arabs in northern Cameroon. Despite the divergence of the two models under study, it was concluded that in both cases, the long migration had effects on shaping the identity of the two peoples. The Arabs of the diaspora entered the equations of international politics for the first time in 2003, when some of them were used to ignite the strife in Darfur. Their scope of use then expanded in Hazm Storm, which was launched in March 2015. They were brought to Yemen under the umbrella of rapid support forces (RSF) to break the power of the Houthis. Finally, they were brought to invade Khartoum. This time, the scenario includes making Sudan an alternative homeland for these Arabs to change its demographic composition in a way that disrupts traditional Sudanese society. The project to resettle the Arab diaspora in Sudan is part of a larger project that aims to replace the political elite in our country with a secular elite. An elite preparing to overcome the culture that generated Khartoum’s three No (s), those No(s) that Israel still considers a thorn in its side. Rather, it is an elite that goes beyond what some call “Sudan 56.” If changing the political elite is the project of the entire West, led by America, approved by Europe, and moved by Israel from behind the scenes, then France has a project of its own that it hopes to achieve by resettling the Arabs diaspora in Sudan. It wants to get rid of these ethnic groups that refuse to integrate into their local communities in the French Empire in West Africa, are active in human smuggling and trafficking in small arms, and are linked to terrorist organizations such as Boko Haram and cross-border criminal gangs. During the last two years, the implementation of this operation has entered advanced stages, and it has been undertaken on the ground by individuals linked to the Emirates and, through it, France and Israel. The general supervision of the implementation of the plan was undertaken by Mohamed Salih Al-Nadhif, the current Minister of Foreign Affairs of Chad, who is of Mahariya descent from Chad. He was appointed in March 2021 (with declared support from France, and with hidden planning from the Mossad, no doubt) to hold the position of “Special Representative of the Secretary-General of the United Nations in the West Africa and Sahel region,” in order to manage the entire theater in its vastness with his manhood and swagger. Nadhif’s appointment coincided with the election of Mohamed Bazoum as President of Niger in April 2021, also with an announced welcome from France. This is despite the fact that the Arab minority in Niger is barely 1% of the population of that country. Of course, all of this coincided with Hemedti assuming the position of Vice President in Sudan. Let us not forget that it was Hemedti, not Al-Burhan, who received an invitation to travel to Niger to attend Bazoum’s inauguration ceremony. Once the leadership of this trinity was smoothed, propaganda intensified in Chad, Niger, and Mali to settle the Arab diaspora in Sudan. The Arabs accepted the idea, especially since it came with a guarantee that those recruited would be assigned to Yemen. This is something they have proven to be useful, as the lives of those who returned from Yemen have changed and their dreams have come true. Thus, the project quickly took off. It was only a few months ago that machines for issuing the Sudanese national card and the Sudanese passport were deployed in eastern Niger and southern Libya. Of course, these machines were linked via satellite to the civil registry network in Khartoum. If the designated national number was issued from a site in Niger or Kufra, it will not be re-issued again in Sudan, but rather it appears as if it had been issued from the office or the prison services complex or other sites. Thus, only God knows how many numbers obtained the Sudanese national number and passport. Then the next step began, which was to bring tens of thousands of these young “Sudanese” men into their new homeland and transfer them directly to the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) training camps, under the pretext of preparing them to join the fighting teams in Yemen. These are the Arab diaspora, and this is the conspiracy that brought them to our role in Khartoum, our cities, and our villages. In Darfur and Kordofan, it enabled them to commit well-known atrocities. However, this conspiracy has not yet been completed. It aims to settle them in Sudan* *and not just an invasion. “There is a war that must be fought in this country against those who have dared so much.” How can our people win this? The war after its army won the battle of Khartoum. So what can we do to prevent the disruption of our society and prevent the recurrence of the Arab diaspora invading our homes and settling there? I leave it to the reader to name those who pushed the Arab diaspora* *to “alienate” them toward us, and I call it “Al-Tashriqa,” as opposed to the “alienation” of the Hilalists, because the invaders who came to us had set out to the east, not to the west… I also leave it to the reader to recall the equipment and that Mustansir of this time provided the invaders with, which was widely reported. There is no doubt that the reader agrees with me that those who planned this invasion will not care about what happened to Khartoum and its people, and will not spend a dirham or a dollar to rebuild it, nor will they. They don’t care if Sudan disappears and goes away. This is despite the fact that Sudan is “part of the international community,” as Hamdouk used to say, and despite the fact that he is committed to imminently signing the “Abrahamic Accords”, and despite the fact that he worked hard to appease America and Saudi Arabia by accepting their mediation, then if the people of Sudan consider the fates of the nations that preceded them, and if they are aware of the savage nature For the region in which they live, and if they are aware of the ferocity of the international community and the cunning of the elders, then they should rely only on God and themselves if they want their country to stand on its feet and for their capital to return to being a singing sport on the horns of the Nile. The first requirement of this is that they should not allow what happened to disperse their gathering and divide their word. They must block the gaps to prevent this invasion from being repeated. Those who organized this settlement invasion were keen to benefit from the shared tribal names of the Arab diaspora with their cousins from the Juhayna tribes in Sudan. The cover that was used to implement this settlement project was the integration of the Arab diaspora into the Juhayna tribes of Sudan, with tribal names identical to the names of the Arab diaspora. The Arab diaspora belong to the great-grandfather, “Junaid,” who is also the grandfather of large groups that settle in Darfur, Kordofan, and the White Nile. This includes the Rizeigat, Misseriya, Hawazma, Mahamid, Mahriya, Oulad Rashid, Beni Halba, Ta’aisha, Habbaniya, Salamat, Khuzam, Slim and Oulad Hamid. The name “Junaid” is highly respected in the collective memory of these tribes. Therefore, those who organized “Al-Tashreeqa” established hundreds of social and media platforms in the sphere of space bearing Junaid’s name. They rented the headquarters for that new old entity. The largest company of the Dagalo family was called “Al-Junaid Company.” Then they dusted off the memory of “Attiya” and “Himad,” the two sons of Junaid, and made their names political manifestations of two sub-entities. But there is a difference between the people of Juhayna of Sudan and the Arab diaspora. Because of the migrations that took place over time and space, the two groups differed greatly despite the same origin and name. They adopted ancient methods and each of them acquired its own personality and identity. You notice this in the differences in dialects, methods of greeting, food, clothing, personal hygiene, and traditional stories. You also notice it in the tenderness of religion among the Arab diaspora, their ignorance of rituals and laws, their hatred of strangers, their extreme racism, and the weakness of the role of women among them… In addition to the effect that resulted from the difference in migrations, there is another difference between the two groups that occurred due to the fusion of the Sudanese Juhayna tribes in the national melting pot in this country, for about three. centuries, these tribes developed loyalty to their new homeland and blended into its many ethnicities. The Sudanese Juhayna tribes participated in Sudan’s epics and major scenes, starting with the battle of Al-Maqdoum Hashim, Sultan Al-Masba’at, against Sultan Tirab in 1790 AD. These tribes entered into an alliance with Al-Abdullab to support the coming Hashim. How could it not be that they were active against Sultan Tirab and his predecessors, who mistreated them and controlled their captives and herds when they crossed their country. Juhayna struck Sudan with a large share in the Mahdist revolution, from which it, just like all the major tribes of Sudan. They gained vast and undisputed territories in western Sudan. The Habbaniya, for example, were proud of their home, “Al-kalaka Almalaiha Malaka,” which means glorious land and the Misseriya were proud of their home, “Dinga om Al-Diyar.” Which means great city and so, you can set examples. There is no one among them who does not have a desert area not less than England. Then some of them became distinguished in the native administration, who grew up in an environment shaped by the recitation of the Qur’an, the recitation of Imam Mahdi prayers book, the neighing of horses, and the whirring of copper. They imbibed the Sudanese virtues, generation by generation one, and their wise men, like the Nazir Babu Nimr, the Nazir Musa Madibo, and the Nazir Ali Al-Ghali, issued sayings that took the form of proverbs. The leaders of other clans, such as the Sheikh of the Arabs, Awad Al-Karim Abu Sin, and Al-Nazir Ali Al-Toum, joined their method, on equal terms, and they exchanged cordial terms with them. The Nazir houses in Darfur and Kordofan were pioneers in initiating intermarriage with other Sudanese tribes. Many members of their tribes followed their steps, and blood and races were mixed, and features were similar. Then came enlistment in the soldier and police, enrollment in formal education, a career in government work, engaging in commerce and agriculture, membership in major political parties and religious sects, the spread of radio and television, the popularity of the Hagiba song, the spread of the sport of football, and other aspects of national unity. Then the vast regions of the country were interconnected by railways and asphalt roads, so people communicated and came together. Then there was the excitement over major national issues such as independence, the southern issue, the October Revolution, and the Halayeb conflict*. *The Sudanese Juhayna was greatly affected by all of this, which led to the intensification of their interaction in the national area and the rapprochement of their temperament with the rest of the Sudanese and their unity with them in conscience. Also, large cities and their intermediaries appeared in the bedouin areas of these tribes, such as Nyala, Buram, Edal Fursan, Al-Daein, Al-Fula, and Al-Dabaibat, and their inhabitants were known to mingle with communities and all-inclusive forums and open events, and multi-ethnicity. When the Sudanese agreed to declare independence from within Parliament, Abd al-Rahman Dabka, the Chief of Beni Hilba, came forward to present the proposal. The observer of Dabka did not attain this honor by chance, but rather had a known reason and a story to tell. Several months earlier, he had received Leader Ismail Al-Azhari during his tour in Darfur with a grand reception in Ed Alghanam. When Al-Nadir Dabka ascended the podium to welcome the great guest, he chanted, “Long live free and independent Sudan.” The crowds became excited, roared, and thundered with that chant that split the sky. The Unionist leader was deeply affected by this. Perhaps this spontaneous scene contributed to completing the picture for him, and the country was preparing to choose between independence or unity with Egypt, it was then decided that Dabka would submit such historic proposal*.
*Where are the Arab diaspora in all of this? Where are they in this great crucible that melted all Sudanese and strengthened their bond? Where is the openness to these burning meanings compared to being confined to closed narratives generated by eternal migrations in an eternal labyrinth? Do the Arab diaspora have intermarriages even with their cousins, the Juhayna of Sudan, in addition to having connections to other tribes of Sudan? I am not saying that these are angels and those are devils. But I observe a severe difference between the two groups that may be missed by anyone who is blinded by the common names of the two tribes. This is a difference that has practical implications. The leaders of Sudanese Juhaina rejected Hemedti’s project and were afraid of involving the Arab diaspora in issues related to the privacy of a homeland to which they had no affiliation. The leaders of the Madibo clan distanced themselves early in a loud announcement. The Nazir houses in Dar al-Missiriya joined them. Rather, the intellectuals of these tribes made secret and public calls to Hemedti while he, in his pride and scepter, distributed millions like candy bars. They asked him to down his dreams and they said, “We see something strange.” People read what Engineer Abdullah Masar wrote. They heard what Mr. Musa Hilal announced. Those interested learned of the bitter advice given by senior politicians from these tribes in private sessions with Hemedti. Among these are the leaders of the Misseriya, Ahmed Al-Saleh Salouha, Omar Suleiman, and Al-Khair Al-Fahim Al-Makki. Among them is Salman Suleiman Al-Safi, the leader of the Hawazma. When some members of these tribes participated in the murders and barbarism of the RSF, either among its recruits or among the renegades who were tempted by plunder and looting, their families disavowed their actions. They refused to welcome them upon their return or to acknowledge that what they brought was permissible spoils for them. Rather, some of them refused to extend their hands to recite Al-Fatiha over his son who was killed in the ranks of the RSF. These tribes were as upset by what happened to El Geneina as it was to the rest of the people of Sudan, and even more so. This is because the RSF used the names of these tribes in that hideous massacre. What brings together the Mahariya of Sudan and the Masalit is too strong to be torn apart by the actions of this rogue group. And between Nazir Mahmoud Musa Madibo and Sultan Saad Abd Al-Rahman Bahr Al-Din, the bond of homeland and brotherhood in religion is stronger than any narrow affiliation. The exploitation by those who organized this settlement invasion of the name of the Juhayna tribes in Sudan is the most cunning and most complex aspect of this deception. This is because this exploitation would unleash narrow fanaticisms. If Sudan is again drawn into these fanaticisms, it will witness a new resurgence of Darfur strife. If Sudan follows this sad path, it will awaken strife that will diminish the strife that flared up during the reign of Caliph Abdullah Al-Taayshi. A sedition is sweeping all of Sudan, dividing it into two camps: a camp for those who were targeted by this invasion and a camp for those who are considered among those behind it, arbitrary and identity-based division. Thus, those who planned this settlement invasion succeeded in their project despite the military defeat that befell them. This is because they will have planted the first seed to break up Sudan and plunge it into civil wars that will never last again. Thus, these planners provide a new opportunity to settle the Arab diaspora in Sudan. Because of the two camps , Nazir Madibo will be an enemy of Sultan Bahr Al-Din. Because of the two camps, the voices of Masar, Saluha, and Al-Safi and will be diminished, so they will not speak the truth to the new leader.
*These Arabs are the first external threat to national unity in Sudan. How many major civilizations have been destroyed by repeated attacks from small, barbaric peoples lurking in the immediate vicinity. This is what the Tatars did to the Abbasid state, what the Vandals and the Germanic tribes did to the Roman Empire, and what the Normans did to England. Indeed, this is what those who planned this invasion are now trying to do. Did you get the news of the Al-Owainat camp that was destroyed by the “Air Eagles” the day before yesterday? Did you know what was narrated that there were forty thousand fighters with their equipment, gear, and equipment? If this camp is in Al-Awainat, where our fighter planes are targeting it, then who knows, perhaps the next camp will be in Ajdabiya or other Libyan sites. Therefore, our most important duty is to make arrangements that protect us against subsequent and repeated visits by these Arabs to our homes in El Geneina, Nyala, El Fasher, or Khartoum. These Arabs knew the way forward for our country, and those behind them knew how to employ them. The people of Sudan will not carry out this duty unless they overcome this great plot by remembering the commandment of the poet “Shh, O Kanar,” “So when your people are scattered, unite them together”! If they do so and succeed in repelling this invasion and these attacks, attack after attack, then the gates of the future will open for them. Harsh experiences are what build nations. All great nations have gone through bitter experiences like the ones we are facing today. Had it not been for the atrocities Europe suffered during the two wars, its resurgence would not have been stronger and intensified. If the Jews had not been exposed to the ordeal of the Holocaust, it would not have meant anything to them. If it were not for the American Civil War, America would not have become the greatest country in history. Had it not been for the determination that emerged from the Chinese people after the end of what was called the Century of Humiliation (1814-1915), China would not have risen.
I have no doubt at all that the ordeal we are going through today is of a kind that matures nations. It is a freedom to advance all aspects of life with a new generation freed from this tragedy. It is enough to generate in the political elite an insightful vision that will exploit this opportunity that came from blood and blood to develop a comprehensive project that goes beyond the petty games that have plagued us for nearly seven decades*.
*As soon as this war broke out, every non-Sudanese person I met or called me told me that they did not think that the Sudanese’s supply of tolerance and patience with each other could be exhausted. That saying hurt me and did not console me. However, my consolation was that these people do not know that those who made our country’s capital a playground for this game of death are not of its people and have not imbibed its milk. They were brought by invaders, and they came to us from across the border and from the Sudanese diaspora countries, will not be tolerated, God willing, and their unjust and sinful project will be defeated.

June 26, 2023