After Decision to Relieve Hassabo.. Where are Conditions Heading within Islamic Movement?

Sudan Events – Abdul Basset Idris

The decision of the Shura Council of the Islamic Movement to relieve Deputy Secretary-General Hassabo Mohammad Abdul-Rahman sparked intense reactions among protesters and supporters of the decision after its repercussions spread among the grassroots.
The origin of the decision:
The Movement’s Shura Council said in a brief statement that it decided to relieve Hassabo from the position of Deputy Secretary-General and dismiss him from the movement’s membership.
The statement did not go into further details, despite what was widely rumored that Hassabo had joined the Rapid Support (RSF) Militia.
Hasabo, who rose to organizational and executive positions until he reached the position of Vice President of the Republic, had suddenly emerged from prison following the detention of symbols and leaders of the former regime following the overthrow of the regime. He had been subjected to an assassination attempt at his home.
Since the outbreak of the war, the man has been under indictment for siding with Hemedti, as the man remained residing in Khartoum for a long period before recently leaving for Darfur.
Hassabo has not yet issued any announced position confirming his joining the RSF militia or even commenting on the decision to dismiss him.
Out of control:
One who examines the formation and structure of the movement notices that it exceeds the status of tribal affiliation and regional bias. The movement, until the end of its era, remained open to all of Sudan. Abdullah Deng Nyal and Musa Al-Makkor were from the south, and Makki Balayel, Khamis Kinda, and Mohammad Marko were from South Kordofan, and Ali Al-Hajj, Al-Hajj Adam Yuosuf, Abdulhamid Kasha, and Hassabo Abdulrahman were from Darfur, Ali Osman, Awad Al-Jaz, Fathi Khalil from the Northern State, Nafi’ and Karti from the River Nile, Mohammad Al-Hassan Al-Amin, Ibrahim Ahmed Omar from Khartoum, Ghandour, Khaled Qaribullah, Ahmed Abbas from the central Sudan, and Abu Ali, Ayla and Turk from eastern Sudan, but the rivalry and struggle over power led to a major reaction that incapacitated the mechanisms of the movement and its ruling party refused to address it, and the aspirations and progress for leadership and executive positions continued to revolve between the millstones of the tribe and the obstruction of the periodic succession of leaders and the growth and prosperity of democracy within the movement and party, and even the classification of decisions as having racial and regional dimensions.
Rebellious man:
Movement member Khaled Abdeen told (Sudan Events) that the decision of the movement’s leaders to dismiss Hassabo Mohammad Abul-Rahman is a correct decision because, in his belief, the man stood against the national interest and contradicted the movement’s decision to reject the terrorist militia and support the army and the unity of the country. He pointed out that Hassabo had rebelled against the state and became a leader in the militia while he knew it. This completely violates the law and constitution of the movement, considering that the decision to dismiss him is also considered implicitly dismissed from the National Congress because any member of the movement is a member of the National Congress and not the other way around.
Dismissal of others:
The leader of the former regime, Haj Majid Suwar, had commented in support of the decision to dismiss Hassabo. Suwar, in a post on his Facebook page, called on the movement’s institutions to dismiss everyone proven to belong to the rebel militia, from the highest leadership to the youngest member in the locality.
What was said about Hassabo’s affiliation with the Hemedti militia sparked many reactions, especially after it was used by the Islamists’ opponents, as conclusive evidence of the movement’s involvement in the war and the distribution of roles among its leaders, with part working with the army and part with the militia.
Some said that Hassabo continued to work with Hemedti in the movement’s knowledge and that he engineered several meetings between its leaders and Hemedti before the outbreak of the war.
While other sources said that Hassabo presented an offer before the war from Hemedti to the Secretary-General of the movement, Ali Karti, for the purpose of allying with him and removing Burhan, which the movement and its institutions strongly rejected.
Unfair decision:
The decision to dismiss Hassabo still raises many reactions among the movement’s membership in public platforms and on social media sites, especially in Darfur. In this context, a member of the movement in Al-Daein, Kebir Barshim, told (Sudan Events) that the dismissal of Hassabo is related to the dispute within the Islamic movement, as it was natural. Following the security committee’s coup against Al-Bashir and the death of Al-Zubair Ahmed Al-Hassan, Hasabo assumed the position of Secretary-General of the movement because he is the elected Deputy Secretary-General and there is no reason for Ali Karti to assume the position of Secretary-General.
He went on to say: “Therefore, I believe that Hassabo’s dismissal is the result of settling disputes within the movement, behind which groups hijacked the decision and intended to expel anyone who disagreed with them regarding the vision.
Kebir added: “Those who issued the decision had to reveal the formed investigation committee and find out whether Hassabo had responded to it or not,” stressing that the decision would have major consequences on the movement’s membership in Darfur.
In this regard, Kebir pointed to heated discussions about the decision, which pushed the positions in much further directions, as many questions were raised about the lack of accountability and dismissal of other leaders who committed major transgressions. He continued, “A large number of members of the movement in Darfur now say that political work depends mainly on social work, and as long as the matter has become so discriminatory and racist, so we have our choices.”
It seems that the decision to dismiss Hassabo, along with the ambiguity surrounding his position, the official silence of the movement’s institutions, and the challenge by others of the legitimacy of the presence of its current leaders after the end of their organizational term, will further ignite the situation within the Islamic movement in a way that may lead to its division.