Opinion

Hemedti Addresses the People from the Celestial Heavens, Neither Living nor Sustained

By: Mohamed Galal Ahmed Hashim

According to a statement relayed to me at the time by a dear friend (a native of both Al-Jazeera and Darfur, who is alive and well-known), quoting a close relative of his—an intelligence officer of high rank—when it was announced that Hemedti had managed to leave the country for the UAE, this officer told him:

*”Yes, Hemedti is alive and survived the airstrike physically, though severely wounded. However, he did not survive mentally; he can no longer think logically. Through our agents within the militia’s intelligence (most of whom are non-commissioned officers who originally belong to us, but we did not request them to report back directly—they remain embedded as our eyes within the militia), we recommended not targeting Hemedti personally, even though we knew where he was hiding. Instead, we recommended facilitating his departure from the country.

For us, killing him and officially confirming his death—especially given his current mental state—would mean facing his successor, who would be mentally competent. It was more advantageous for us to keep Hemedti as the leader of the Janjaweed militia, in his impaired mental state, rather than having a capable new leader replace him.

Two key factors underpinned this recommendation. Firstly, history shows that no military force has ever succeeded under the command of a mentally impaired leader. Secondly, as long as Hemedti remains alive, no power on Earth can impose a new leader on the militia. Therefore, through our agents inside the militia’s intelligence, we ensured his safe evacuation from Sudan, which is exactly what happened.

We knew all the details of his movements—from his transfer from the Operations Authority in Riyadh, where he was injured, to East Nile Hospital, and finally his departure from the country via a dirt runway in Hamrat al-Sheikh, north of Kordofan. This was carried out with our full coordination, concluding with his arrival in the UAE.”*
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This is the information we received from a trusted person, quoting another reliable source, both of whom are alive and well.
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Evidence of what we mentioned can be found in the planned meeting between General Burhan and Hemedti in Djibouti. Just hours before the scheduled meeting, the Janjaweed militia announced that Abdul Rahim Dagalo would meet Burhan instead, as Hemedti was unable to attend. In response, General Burhan refused to meet with anyone other than Hemedti.

During a meeting between Hemedti and leaders of the “Taqaddum” group in Addis Ababa, it was observed that Hemedti strayed off-topic, forcing Prime Minister Hamdok to intervene, urging him to adhere to the prepared speech—albeit to no avail. This incident was significant, as it marked the last time Hemedti spoke extemporaneously without reading from a written script. Many attendees of that meeting reportedly felt that this Hemedti was not the same man they knew before.
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Hemedti then recently reappeared from his celestial abode—either dead or mentally absent—to address everyone: Sudanese citizens, regional powers, and the international community. We will not delve into the myriad analyses of this speech—some viewing it as rational, even though divine judgment seems to have stripped Hemedti of such rationality.

The speech can be summarized in four main points:

Admission of military defeat: Although he specifically mentioned their defeat in Jebel Moya near Sennar in the Blue Nile region, he remained silent about their losses in Khartoum North and Khartoum itself.

Acknowledgment of lacking military support: Hemedti candidly told his forces that no external military aid was expected anytime soon, effectively urging them to surrender if they wished to survive.

Blame directed indiscriminately: He accused numerous countries, organizations, and entities—including the “Quartet Mechanism,” in which the UAE is a member—without providing any evidence.

Incitement of ethnic discord: Hemedti explicitly mentioned certain ethnic groups, blaming them for all of Sudan’s post-independence troubles.
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The situation outlined above presents a grave reality—not only due to what Hemedti has said thus far but also in light of what he may say in the future. It was evident that his recent address lacked the professional quality expected of televised communications. This raises several possibilities:

The UAE allowed him to deliver the speech without providing adequate technical resources, making it appear that he was isolated and speaking incoherently (reflecting his true mental state).

He recorded the speech on a mobile phone without the UAE’s awareness, as some experts in the field suggest.

Regardless of the entity behind Hemedti’s speech—or lack thereof—the speech antagonized everyone, from east to west, north to south, rendering it essentially a defeatist address.
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Ultimately, what concerns us is not all that has transpired. There is no room for worry for those who stand by the people. The real challenge lies with those who sided with the Janjaweed militia—whether knowingly conspiring against the people and the state, or through ideological folly.

What will their stance be tomorrow, in response to whatever Hemedti may say in the coming days? Whether Hemedti speaks from the celestial heavens in a metaphorical sense, or from the hereafter, or whether his impaired mental state disconnects him from reality—it remains to be seen.

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