In the “Kombo” or the Neighboring Town

By: Karar Al-Tuhami

The state is currently undergoing a painful labor. After the war, it will either give birth to a secure, cohesive society or one plagued by crime and chaos. It will either produce a harmonious community or one poisoned by ethnic division. To avoid falling into the latter trap, the state—supported by a resilient society—must be strong, relentless, and unafraid to confront crime. The rivers of blood shed by the martyrs are a divine gift, cleansing our streets of the gangs that have sunk their claws deep into the nation’s body—not just during the war but for many years before, since the emergence of the niggers gangs, Tisa Taweela (Nine Long), and other forms of organized crime.

Sudan was once one of the safest countries in the world. Foreign ambassadors and visitors frequently attested to this in private gatherings. Khartoum was one of the rare capitals where an ambassador could sit on the street to break his Ramadan fast with villagers or jog freely without fear.

During an African conference held in Sudan, visiting delegates strolled through Omdurman’s markets, astonished at the sense of security. They were particularly surprised that the gold markets were not guarded by tanks, heavily armed police, or private security companies.

Lieutenant General Dr. Al-‘Ajib Adel, who once led Sudan’s police force, recounted a visit by a New York Police Department delegation. According to him, they admitted that Khartoum was safer than New York—let alone other African capitals plagued by crime.

That was in the past. Now, as the war ends, it will leave behind conditions that demand political will to reshape society and restore the missing obligation of security through the following steps:

1. The State’s Monopoly on Violence

The state must exclusively control the use of force with absolute power, leaving no room for any tribe, influential figure, or armed group anywhere in Sudan to carry weapons and brandish them at the state to achieve personal or political ambitions.

2. Crackdown on Criminals Without Hesitation

Authorities and legal officers must not hesitate to pursue criminals, regardless of how many swords or tribal allegiances shield them. The worsening crime rates have been fueled by political sensitivities and the exploitation of ethnic narratives to protect criminals. Justice should not be obscured by false slogans that sympathize with murderers and thieves based on race or tribe. A criminal remains a criminal, even if he descended from the heavens.

3. Deploying the Army Alongside the Police

The military possesses a striking force unmatched by other security institutions. If necessary, emergency orders should be issued to deploy the army and special forces alongside the police in securing the country—especially in gang strongholds and neighborhoods that suffocate the capital like a serpent, growing daily in size. Many unemployed residents in these areas played a major role in theft, rape, and looting alongside the rebels and mercenaries. These individuals will return after the war, heavily armed, pretending to be innocent, and engaging in illegal trade in the markets as if nothing had happened.

4. Sweeping Security Operations in High-Crime Areas

Every house, hut, latrine, alley, and hidden corner in these suspicious neighborhoods must be thoroughly searched. Unconventional investigative measures should be adopted to recover stolen goods. Many of these stolen items are currently concealed in crime-ridden areas that actively participated in the war by supporting the rebellion, looting cities, and terrorizing civilians.

5. Urban Restructuring and Redistribution of Population

The state must restructure these informal settlements and relocate their inhabitants to productive areas in the states. The continued presence of large unemployed populations in the capital serves as a breeding ground for crime. This applies to all unregulated housing areas.

6. Holding Collaborators and Criminals Accountable

Every neighborhood, village, and town must purge itself by identifying and handing over individuals who participated in killings and looting. Crime has no ethnic or familial cover—just as guilt is not collective, neither is innocence. Opportunists must not be allowed to exploit this issue politically by claiming the state is targeting specific groups, such as kanabi (informal settlements of displaced laborers). Criminals deserve no protection based on race, nor are they shielded from the law. A state that endured a global-scale war can, if willing, eradicate crime without regard to ethnicity or regional affiliations.

7. Strengthening Civil Society’s Role in Crime Prevention

Civil society and volunteer organizations must be mobilized to combat crime. Neighborhoods and towns must take responsibility for their own security, as is the case in the world’s most developed cities. The Quran references this principle in the words of Dhul-Qarnayn to the people of Turkey:
“That in which my Lord has established me is better [than what you offer], but assist me with strength; I will make between you and them a barrier.” (Surah Al-Kahf, 95)
No matter how powerful a state is, it will always need community support.

8. Expedited Justice and Emergency Courts

The concept of swift justice must be revived. Anyone who commits theft or looting should be prosecuted promptly, in accordance with established legal principles or emergency courts, to avoid delays caused by lengthy legal procedures and loopholes.

9. Equipping Law Enforcement with Advanced Tools

The military, police, and security forces must be provided with all necessary weapons, technology, and surveillance tools to combat crime. Crime hubs—whether in slums or luxurious neighborhoods—must be raided and neutralized, whether they are in a kombo (informal settlement) or an affluent suburban town.