Cutting the Arteries: How the Militia’s End Began (2/3)

As I See 

Adel El-Baz

1.

In the first installment of this article, we examined how the militia’s supply arteries began to be severed on two fronts.
The first was the Libya front, which constituted a major supply line for weapons, fuel, and mercenaries. The second line, from Chad, was subsequently cut off after it became unsafe due to penetrations by Sudanese military intelligence and its ability to monitor all movements from Cameroon to N’Djamena.

Today, we turn to the remaining supply lines and how they, too, were cut—until supplies coming from Abu Dhabi became effectively useless.

2.
A third artery was handled by Russia—specifically the route coming from the Central African Republic. Ironically, Russia itself had established this artery through the presence of Wagner, which had been cooperating with the militia in smuggling gold from Jebel Amer and the Singo area across the border into the Central African Republic.

Last week, Russian forces affiliated with the Africa Corps announced that they had expelled Rapid Support Forces militia units and other militias from their camps along the border. This means that Russia now controls the area where the militia once operated freely—effectively cutting off the militia’s supply line from the Central African Republic, as well as severing gold supply chains and smuggling routes across that border.

I do not rule out the possibility that Sudanese intelligence—long connected to militias there since the days of the Seleka and Anti-Balaka movements, and through Sudan’s ties with African intelligence services via the CISA organization—played a role in providing information on the militia’s movements across Africa. This is in addition to Russia’s supportive stance toward the Sudanese army and government.

3.
This leaves the militia with only one remaining artery: the south, overseen by Tut Galuak. After the militia seized the Heglig area, South Sudan realized the danger it could face if it continued its habitual deception game in pursuit of promises and inducements from Abu Dhabi. President Salva Kiir ultimately realized—following his recent visit to Abu Dhabi—that the UAE was targeting him personally, just as it was targeting President Al-Burhan.

During Tut Galuak’s recent visit to Port Sudan, following his reappointment and in the aftermath of Heglig, all files were put on the table—not just the oil file. Any agreement had to be comprehensive. Sudan does not need the $200 million a month generated by South Sudanese oil—it can compensate for that—but South Sudan has no alternatives. If it continues to support the militia, or even turns a blind eye to the flow of mercenaries, weapons, and logistical supplies across its borders, Sudan will take a different stance.

Tut Galuak pledged to address the matter as swiftly as possible, especially after the removal of the UAE-linked clique within South Sudan’s state institutions. It is well known that weapons enter Sudan through other routes, but the south is the main gateway for mercenaries—and this artery must be shut down. We now await whether Galuak’s promises will be honored.

4.
There remains only one final artery feeding the militia: Ethiopia, which made a grave mistake by allowing militia camps on its territory along the eastern border with Damazin, in the Asosa area. This move provoked Egypt as never before. Cairo interpreted it as evidence that the UAE had entered the arena and was now playing in a highly sensitive zone—supporting a clear enemy seeking to sever Egypt’s own lifelines.

Once Egypt grasped the gravity of the situation and where it could lead, it carried out surgical operations in the Yabous area and, in one way or another, helped destroy all military movements and logistical supplies coming from Asosa to Khor Yabous. These supplies had been intended to arm Joseph Tuka’s forces, which were trained in Asosa camps under the watchful eye—and with the assistance—of Ethiopia, and fully funded by the UAE.

The UAE had withdrawn its equipment from Somalia’s Puntland region after its expulsion—officially announced yesterday—from all Somali territories and ports, and redirected that equipment to the militia’s camps in Asosa. This came amid strained relations between Somalia and the UAE under Saudi pressure—a story for another time.

Here, we see how Egypt and its writers and media pivoted to recognize the scale of the conspiracy surrounding it. Even Amani Al-Tawil was compelled, for the first time, to attack both the UAE and Ethiopia. Welcome to awareness, Amani. We had long said that this rebellion was, at its core, directed against Egypt—a Zionist-Emirati plot to encircle it—but you would not listen. Now your sight is sharp. Congratulations.

Egypt finally grasped the truth after seeing that Israeli experts were running the Janjaweed camps in Asosa, and that the objective was to reach the Roseires Dam. Egypt understands the danger of militia control over water gates amid its dispute with Ethiopia over water issues. Yesterday, the Israeli foreign minister visited Ethiopia and called for “strengthening the strategic partnership with Ethiopia.”

Egypt knows that its national security requires a force capable of safeguarding it—and that it is unwise to barter that security for billions here or there, in places like Ras Al-Hikma.

As for Sudan, its message was clear in President Al-Burhan’s words:
“Whoever thinks Sudan is weak is delusional.”

The Ethiopians must have listened carefully to that message—its meaning being: Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, your house is made of straw; do not play with fire at others’ doors when it is so close to your own borders. Sudan is not without allies it can rely on. In time, Ethiopia will realize that it opened the gates of hell upon itself when it allowed its territory to become a playground for Janjaweed gangs and surrendered its decision-making to the UAE.

Glory be to God—Sudan, which helped liberate Ethiopia, is repaid by having Ethiopian territory opened to Janjaweed, mercenaries, and new colonial forces to destroy it. May God have mercy on you, Urwa—you are fortunate not to have lived to see this age of triviality and cheap sellouts.

To be continued.