{"id":34642,"date":"2024-10-18T03:50:49","date_gmt":"2024-10-18T00:50:49","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sudanevents.com\/?p=34642"},"modified":"2024-10-18T03:50:49","modified_gmt":"2024-10-18T00:50:49","slug":"hamidti-old-fears-of-a-retired-camel-trader","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sudanevents.com\/index.php\/2024\/10\/18\/hamidti-old-fears-of-a-retired-camel-trader\/","title":{"rendered":"Hamidti: Old Fears of a Retired Camel Trader"},"content":{"rendered":"<div dir=\"auto\"><strong>By Ahmed el-Darini \u2013 Al-Masry Newspaper<\/strong><\/div>\n<div dir=\"auto\">A camel herder always remains in fear of its retaliation if it\u2019s wronged. According to the tales of camel herders, a camel exacts its revenge within 40 days of being insulted or betrayed by its owner. If it doesn\u2019t take revenge, it dies from grief and distress.<\/div>\n<div dir=\"auto\">Camel herders have this constant feeling that dealing with camels is different from any other animal. It requires careful handling and readiness for an imminent revenge, which is said to be deeply thought out by the camel. The experience of breeding and tending camels blends with mystical tales that are hard to trace, which claim that the camel is influenced by the devil or has jinn within it. This adds to the fear of what is known as \u201cthe camel\u2019s grudge\u201d or \u201cthe camel\u2019s revenge.\u201d<\/div>\n<div dir=\"auto\">At the same time, it\u2019s said that those who ride camels acquire the same patience and calm nature from the camel\u2019s pace and endurance. Arabs often said that the nature of a mount reflects on its rider over time.<\/div>\n<div dir=\"auto\">These thoughts swirled in my mind as I watched Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo \u201cHamidti\u201d give a speech lasting around 35 minutes, where he accused Egyptian aircraft of bombing his forces in \u201cJabal Moya.\u201d<\/div>\n<div dir=\"auto\">Hamidti, at his core, is a camel trader who, along with some of his comrades, evolved into a protector of caravans from thieves, and then into a well-fed militia leader controlling trade routes between Sudan and Chad, and sometimes from Sudan to Egypt. Eventually, he integrated into the system under Bashir\u2019s regime as the leader of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which was one of the many armed groups used by Omar al-Bashir to balance power and manage internal rivalries for his own benefit. Hamidti and his forces have been implicated in multiple atrocities and massacres since around 2010, marking the first verified public appearance of the young militia leader and his troops.<\/div>\n<div dir=\"auto\">Hamidti holds the rank of \u201cGeneral,\u201d despite lacking basic education. He unwittingly brings to mind the character of \u201cthe General\u201d from Gabriel Garc\u00eda M\u00e1rquez\u2019s first novel No One Writes to the Colonel, who proudly boasted in his many absurd letters about his revolutionary rank, which he earned amidst the turmoil that swept his country, rather than through a bureaucratic career path in the army.<\/div>\n<div dir=\"auto\">But the issue isn\u2019t as simple as this tempting portrayal of a comical character. Behind this militia leader are renegade minds working on political, legal, military, and media strategies, possibly more efficiently than the Sudanese government itself.<\/div>\n<div dir=\"auto\">In August, the RSF participated in what were called the \u201cGeneva negotiations,\u201d while the Sudanese army refused to join. Hamidti successfully presented himself as a player willing to engage with the international community, adopting the global language that references \u201cframeworks,\u201d \u201cinternational legitimacy,\u201d \u201cthe international community,\u201d \u201cagreements and treaties,\u201d and \u201cinternational law.\u201d<\/div>\n<div dir=\"auto\">Meanwhile, General al-Burhan refused to participate in these negotiations, famously stating, \u201cWe will fight for 100 years,\u201d a statement that may have resonated positively with the Sudanese public supporting the national army or those opposing the RSF. However, on the international stage, this phrase paints al-Burhan as bloodthirsty, while Hamidti appears as a politician, negotiator, and legal expert.<\/div>\n<div dir=\"auto\">As accusations of war crimes and atrocities by the RSF in villages under their control grow louder, Hamidti sends messages to international mediators in Geneva, stating that he has issued strict orders to his soldiers to respect the rights of civilians, adhering to international humanitarian law and treaties related to human rights in both peace and conflict, based on the provisions of the \u201cRSF Law of 2017, amended in 2019.\u201d It\u2019s as if he were speaking of the Swiss army\u2019s code of ethics.<\/div>\n<div dir=\"auto\">In a similar vein, Hamidti quietly collaborates with the European Union on curbing illegal migration, leveraging his control over key migrant routes in parts of Africa. Occasionally, he even threatens the EU if it doesn\u2019t publicly acknowledge their \u201ccooperation.\u201d<\/div>\n<div dir=\"auto\">Hamidti sends his forces to Yemen to fight as part of the interests of regional powers, while managing his alliances in the region and waging an information war on social media that surpasses his opponents in issuing statements and framing events.<\/div>\n<div dir=\"auto\">Observers of Sudanese affairs notice over time that, despite the atrocities committed by the RSF, the militia has increasingly adopted the semblance of a state in its official discourse, far more than that of a rogue gang. Meanwhile, Sudan as a nation seems in dire need of improving its performance on all fronts.<\/div>\n<div dir=\"auto\">In Hamidti\u2019s latest speech, where he accused the Egyptian air force of bombing his followers in \u201cJabal Moya,\u201d he stripped himself of all the minds behind him that buy fine suits for the camel trader and desert gang leader. He abandoned all the formal language his faction uses, which speaks in terms of international law and glittering political terms. Instead, he reverted to his original nature, with no makeup.<\/div>\n<div dir=\"auto\">Hamidti spoke in his native language, a blend of simple religious sermons, unverified stories, accusations, and hasty gossip, with evident confusion for all to see. He did not hide behind carefully crafted words, which he often struggled to pronounce and read in classical Arabic. Instead of presenting himself as the statesman his backers wanted him to be, Hamidti spoke as the leader of a militia dominated by his family, which controls the financial, negotiation, and arms dealings, all managed by his brother, Gony Hamdan Dagalo, with other family members scattered across the organization\u2019s structure.<\/div>\n<div dir=\"auto\">Hamidti spoke like a camel trader, offering primitive reflections that he believes are distilled wisdom, mixed with religious beliefs similar to the rural tales told under the moonlit nights. They are driven by simple instincts and fantasies about himself and his perceived high moral standards in contrast to his adversaries\u2019 tyranny.<\/div>\n<div dir=\"auto\">According to observers, Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo seemed anxious and unsettled in this speech, forced to confront greater and more decisive powers like Egypt, while admitting to his initial defeat. And, as it appears to me in a narrative connection between beginnings and endings, the camel trader within him awakens his old fear of the camel\u2019s revenge, as he deeply knows that the camel is patient and never forgets its rights.<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>By Ahmed el-Darini \u2013 Al-Masry Newspaper A camel herder always remains in fear of its retaliation if it\u2019s wronged. According to the tales of camel herders, a camel exacts its revenge within 40 days of being insulted or betrayed by its owner. If it doesn\u2019t take revenge, it dies from grief and distress. Camel herders &hellip;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":34643,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-34642","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-reports"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sudanevents.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/34642","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sudanevents.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sudanevents.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sudanevents.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sudanevents.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=34642"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/sudanevents.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/34642\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":34644,"href":"https:\/\/sudanevents.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/34642\/revisions\/34644"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sudanevents.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/34643"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sudanevents.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=34642"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sudanevents.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=34642"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sudanevents.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=34642"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}