{"id":62381,"date":"2026-11-09T16:22:28","date_gmt":"2026-11-09T13:22:28","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sudanevents.com\/?p=62381"},"modified":"2026-11-09T17:23:14","modified_gmt":"2026-11-09T14:23:14","slug":"sudan-the-united-states-and-the-midterm-congressional-elections-is-it-time-to-break-stereotypes-and-open-new-windows-of-communication","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sudanevents.com\/index.php\/2026\/11\/09\/sudan-the-united-states-and-the-midterm-congressional-elections-is-it-time-to-break-stereotypes-and-open-new-windows-of-communication\/","title":{"rendered":"Sudan, the United States, and the Midterm Congressional Elections: Is It Time to Break Stereotypes and Open New Windows of Communication?"},"content":{"rendered":"

Dr. Ismail Satti<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

The election of Abdulrahman Mohamed El-Sayed as a member of the United States Senate from the state of Michigan, making him the first Muslim to reach this chamber, alongside the continued political presence of other Muslim figures such as Ilhan Omar, Rashida Tlaib, and Andr\u00e9 Carson, represents a development worth examining. Its significance lies not only in what it says about the growing political participation of American Muslims, but also in the opportunities it could create for Sudan to build new bridges of communication with American political institutions.<\/strong><\/p>\n

I believe that Sudan, both its government and its people, needs to examine this development from a strategic perspective and consider how it might be leveraged to address one of the greatest challenges that have long confronted its relations with the United States: the negative image that has taken shape among segments of American society and within political and decision-making circles. This image has contributed, deliberately or otherwise, to portraying Sudan as a country that threatens American interests and national security.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Who Created Sudan’s Negative Image?<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Before discussing new opportunities for engagement, it is important to reconsider how this negative perception of Sudan was formed.<\/strong><\/p>\n

In my view, the negative image projected of Sudan cannot be explained merely as a reflection of the actions and practices of the Salvation Government, as some analyses have tended to suggest. Such an interpretation reduces a long and complex history of Sudanese-American relations to a single factor and overlooks the policies and positions adopted by successive US administrations, which also contributed to creating the crisis and perpetuating a climate of hostility and mistrust.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Relations between the two countries have passed through several stages of tension and escalation, during which the United States employed political, economic, diplomatic, and security instruments, ranging from economic sanctions and political isolation to military action, as happened when the Al-Shifa pharmaceutical factory in Khartoum was bombed in 1998.<\/strong><\/p>\n

On the other hand, successive Sudanese governments were not absent from efforts to address this deterioration. They presented numerous initiatives and appeals to open channels of dialogue and direct communication and to place contentious issues on the negotiating table, hoping to reach understandings that would allow relations to be rebuilt on more balanced foundations.<\/strong><\/p>\n

However, the problem, as many Sudanese see it, was not always the absence of a Sudanese willingness to engage in dialogue. Rather, it lay in the resistance and determination within influential American circles to continue dealing with Sudan through a preconceived image, without allowing sufficient space for transparent and serious dialogue that could help reassess those perceptions.<\/strong><\/p>\n

This raises a question worth reflecting on: Was the negative image of Sudan simply the result of accumulated political disagreements, or did maintaining that image serve certain orientations or interests within American decision-making circles?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Many may argue that the issue goes beyond misunderstanding or differences in political assessments, and that deeper considerations lie behind the persistence of this image. These include calculations involving regional and international influence and interests, as well as a desire to keep Sudan within a cycle of isolation and pressure.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Whether we agree or disagree with this interpretation, one fact remains clear: this image did not emerge from a jointly developed Sudanese-American narrative. Rather, it took shape largely amid a clear imbalance in the ability to communicate the Sudanese narrative to American society and its institutions, compounded by limited opportunities for direct and equitable dialogue.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Sudan’s Problem Is Not Limited to American Positions; It Also Lies in the Absence of Channels Capable of Addressing American Society<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Sudanese governments have often dealt with the United States through official diplomatic channels or limited political contacts, without accompanying these efforts with broad, sustained institutional engagement with American society, Congress, universities, research centres, the media, and civil society organisations.<\/strong><\/p>\n

This is a significant strategic shortcoming that local and regional adversaries have exploited. American policy is not shaped by the executive branch alone; it is also influenced by Congress, public opinion, think tanks, politically and media-influential groups, and civil society institutions.<\/strong><\/p>\n

When a country leaves these arenas without an effective presence, it gives others the opportunity to portray it and interpret its positions according to their own perspectives and interests, while its national narrative is denied sufficient space to reach its intended audience.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Therefore, what is required is not merely an improvement in diplomatic relations with Washington, but a concerted effort to correct American perceptions of Sudan and present it anew as a country with a rich history, considerable potential, and legitimate interests, rather than as a perpetual source of threats and instability.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Why Does the Election of Muslim Political Figures Represent an Important Opportunity?<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

This is where the significance of Abdulrahman El-Sayed’s election and the continued presence of Ilhan Omar, Rashida Tlaib, and others in the US Congress becomes apparent.<\/strong><\/p>\n

What deserves attention about these figures is not merely their religious backgrounds or cultural origins, but the fact that some of them have personally experienced suspicion and negative stereotyping because of their religious or cultural identities.<\/strong><\/p>\n

The attempts during Abdulrahman El-Sayed’s election campaign to associate his Muslim identity with extremism and terrorism offer a recent example of how stereotypes can shape political attitudes and how such perceptions can become instruments in political and electoral competition.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Here, an important opportunity emerges to engage and establish dialogue with these figures\u2014not on the assumption that they constitute a politically homogeneous bloc, nor on the presumption that they will adopt Sudan’s positions simply because they share our religion, but rather because they are political figures who, to varying degrees, understand the dangers of prejudice and recognise the importance of giving a fair hearing to voices that do not always have equal opportunities to present their perspectives and positions.<\/strong><\/p>\n

The experiences of some American Muslims in confronting stereotypes may provide an entry point for understanding Sudan’s experience of a negative image that has continued to take shape and become entrenched within certain American institutions and circles.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Accordingly, engagement with these figures could go beyond simply introducing them to the Sudanese crisis. It could develop into a broader dialogue about how perceptions are constructed, how they influence public policy, and why peoples and countries must be given the opportunity to present their own narratives free from preconceived labels and assumptions.<\/strong><\/p>\n

How Can Sudan Benefit from This Opportunity?<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

I believe this requires an organised engagement strategy that goes beyond individual contacts or occasional congratulatory messages. Instead, it should establish a sustained process of dialogue and interaction, built around the following six areas:<\/strong><\/p>\n

First: Initiating Contact with Muslim Members of Congress<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

There should be an official and popular initiative to congratulate Abdulrahman El-Sayed on his victory and establish contact with Ilhan Omar, Rashida Tlaib, Andr\u00e9 Carson, and others, seeking direct meetings with them or their offices.<\/strong><\/p>\n

This initiative should clearly express a desire to open transparent dialogue about Sudan, present its perspective on Sudanese-American relations, and address the perceptions and assumptions surrounding these relations that require reassessment.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Second: Presenting a Documented Sudanese Account of the History of Relations Between the Two Countries<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

It is important to prepare a comprehensive and authoritative historical and political document examining the course of Sudanese-American relations since Sudan’s independence. It should outline the policies and positions adopted by successive American administrations, Sudanese responses to those policies, and the initiatives undertaken by Sudanese governments to open channels of dialogue and normalise relations.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Such a document should not simply be a record of mutual accusations. Rather, it should provide a well-documented account that helps explain the roots of the crisis, exposes imbalances in the relationship, and creates room for reassessing the positions and perceptions that have long shaped it.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Third: Correcting Misconceptions About US Interests and National Security<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

We should make it clear that Sudan is not inherently hostile to the United States, nor are its national interests necessarily incompatible with American interests.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Given its strategic location along the Red Sea, its African and Arab connections, and its agricultural, water, and mineral resources, Sudan can be an important partner in promoting regional stability, securing international maritime navigation, combating terrorism and transnational crime, and developing economic cooperation.<\/strong><\/p>\n

A stable and united Sudan, equipped with effective state institutions, serves the interests of the Sudanese people, their neighbours, and the international community, including the United States.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Fourth: Mobilising the Sudanese Diaspora in the United States to Help Correct Stereotypes About Sudan<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

The Sudanese community in the United States represents an important asset that can be mobilised to build bridges of communication with American society. It includes academics, doctors, engineers, businesspeople, and experts in various fields. Its role could extend beyond following developments in Sudan to actively participating in American public discourse.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Meetings and seminars could be organised at universities and research centres, events could be held to introduce Sudan to American audiences, and engagement could be established with representatives of congressional districts. These efforts should provide reliable information about Sudan, its history, challenges, and potential.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Fifth: Establishing a Specialised National Team to Engage with American Institutions<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

I propose establishing a Sudanese working group comprising diplomatic, political, legal, media, and academic experts, alongside representatives of Sudanese communities in the United States.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Its mandate would be to develop an engagement strategy targeting the US Congress, research centres, universities, media institutions, and civil society organisations. It would also prepare briefing papers, studies, and informational materials, organise meetings, and follow up on their outcomes.<\/strong><\/p>\n

It is important that this team have an inclusive national character, remain independent of the calculations of any particular political party or movement, and coordinate with official Sudanese institutions without sacrificing its professional independence or its ability to build broad-based relationships.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Sixth: Moving Beyond Correcting Perceptions Towards Building Shared Interests<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Our ultimate objective should not simply be to convince Americans that they have misunderstood Sudan. Rather, it should be to build a new relationship founded on mutual interests, respect, and cooperation.<\/strong><\/p>\n

This requires putting forward practical initiatives in areas such as Red Sea security, agricultural and investment cooperation, education and scientific research, counterterrorism, and regional stability, alongside dialogue on political and humanitarian issues.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Engagement should also be sustained over time, and its success should be measured by the extent to which it improves knowledge and understanding of Sudan, broadens the circles of dialogue surrounding it, and produces practical positions and initiatives\u2014not by the number of meetings held or media statements issued.<\/strong><\/p>\n

From Stereotypes to a Relationship Based on Mutual Understanding<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

The election of Abdulrahman El-Sayed and the continued political presence of American Muslims offer Sudan an opportunity worth seizing to reconsider its relationship with American society and its political institutions.<\/strong><\/p>\n

However, this opportunity should not become merely a wager on particular individuals, nor should it be based on the assumption that a shared religious background is sufficient to produce identical political positions. Rather, it is an opportunity to open doors to dialogue that have remained closed or restricted and to reach out to figures who may help broaden the circle of those willing to listen to Sudan and understand the substance of its positions and interests.<\/strong><\/p>\n

What Sudan needs today is to move from reactive diplomacy to proactive diplomacy; from merely protesting negative perceptions to working systematically to dismantle them; and from addressing governments alone to engaging with the societies and institutions that help shape public opinion and influence decision-making.<\/strong><\/p>\n

It may be useful to begin this process with an open and candid dialogue with Muslim members of Congress about their experiences confronting stereotypes and what we can learn from those experiences in addressing the perceptions that have taken shape about Sudan.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Sudan does not need to ask others to adopt its positions without discussion. What it needs is a fair opportunity to present its case and to find people willing to listen and engage with it without preconceived judgments.<\/strong><\/p>\n

We need to break down the barriers created by stereotypes and open the windows that years of mistrust have kept shut. Perhaps the road towards changing American attitudes begins, above all, with an effort to change the way America sees Sudan.<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Dr. Ismail Satti The election of Abdulrahman Mohamed El-Sayed as a member of the United States Senate from the state of Michigan, making him the first Muslim to reach this chamber, alongside the continued political presence of other Muslim figures such as Ilhan Omar, Rashida Tlaib, and Andr\u00e9 Carson, represents a development worth examining. Its …<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":57648,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[19],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-62381","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinion"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sudanevents.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/62381","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sudanevents.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sudanevents.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sudanevents.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sudanevents.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=62381"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/sudanevents.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/62381\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":62382,"href":"https:\/\/sudanevents.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/62381\/revisions\/62382"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sudanevents.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/57648"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sudanevents.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=62381"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sudanevents.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=62381"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sudanevents.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=62381"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}