Interview with Advisor of the Commander of the RSF

Osman Jalal

(1)

In political thought, war is the management of politics with the tools of violence. It is known that all of Sudan’s historical wars ended with a political settlement at the negotiating table, starting with the Torit rebellion in 1955, which ended with the Addis Ababa Agreement of 1972, Bor rebellion in 1983, which ended with the Naivasha Agreement of 2005, and the Darfur rebellion in 2003, which ended with the Juba Agreement of 2020.
In an Interview I had with my brother Montaser Habani, advisor to the commander of the Rapid Support Forces RSF who is a study colleague and we have kinship ties, I told him, let us make the slogan of stopping the current disastrous war be achieved through the Sudanese society base, so that the two parties to the war can pressure them to come together for comprehensive negotiations. When the war ends, all national political forces, without exception, will pick up the gauntlet for dialogue and consensus on the issues and tasks of managing the transitional phase, reconstruction, and most importantly, restoring emotional cohesion and mending the psychological rift between the Sudanese people, leading to consensual elections between the national political powers .
On condition that the state of national consensus continues for a number of electoral cycles until the sustainable national democratic project establishes a common culture in society and in its regulatory institutions.
(2)
But how does Sudanese society push the two parties to the war to end it through negotiation? This is evident through a constructive idea, which is civil integration with society, i.e. transforming the mentality of violence, looting and robbery in areas controlled by the Rapid Support Forces RSF into creative civil and political behavior with society and transforming the current destructive energies into building and reconstruction energies that serve the vital issues of society, represented by livelihood and services such as electricity, water, health, education, and the continuation of industrial and agricultural projects until society realizes that this war does not target the existential entity of the Sudanese State, nor does it target the identity of society, its property, money and honor, and I believe that Hemeti’s vision in political work since the December 2018 revolution was based on gaining the loyalty and satisfaction of Sudanese society.
Unfortunately, the current behavior of the Rapid Support Forces RSF stands in complete contradiction to these values, and I firmly believe that this behavior also conflicts with the political goals of the Rapid Support Forces RSF Commander, who realizes that society is the source of legitimacy in governance and the active element in revolution and change.
The family that tends toward hereditary monarchy perseveres to satisfy society and provide free services from education to employment, marriage and housing, as feudal monarchies do in the Gulf Arabic area.

The status of savagery evident in the behavior of the Rapid Support Forces RSF towards Sudanese society affirms that Daglo family will exploit this society as a political slave if it rules Sudan, but no way.

(3).

In my opinion, the more the war is reduced from the top without extending its disastrous effects on society, the more society will push towards stopping it through negotiation and settlement. Conversely, the more the war targets the structure of society, the more the state of mobilization, militarization and mobilization will increase in all its sectors, as is evident now, and the state of comprehensive mobilization may plunge Sudan into a conflict of deadly identities and disintegration on ethnic and regional bases.
Also, whenever there are spaces to uphold the values ​​of Sudanese ethics among the base of the warring parties, I mean the behavior of soldiers on the battlefield, such as treating prisoners and the wounded with dignity and not targeting the families of civilian fighters, these bases pressure the senior leadership to end the war, and historical memory tells us that the Sudanese army and the People’s Movement sometimes shared a livelihood during the war in the south.
Also, retired military personnel and peaceful civilians should not be targeted under the pretext of intellectual and political affiliation, and it is necessary not to target public and private institutions, infrastructure projects, civilian objects and service facilities that were built with the sweat of the Sudanese people.
Inevitably, all these positive behaviors will push society to pressure the two parties to the war to negotiate and agree to end it.
In short, the role of Sudanese society is the strategic element in ending the current war, whether through peaceful negotiation or military combat on the ground, and this depends on the behavior of the Rapid Support Forces towards this proud and dear society that abhors humiliation and insult.
(4).
This disastrous war must end through strategic, not tactical, negotiations that address the roots of the national crisis that have accumulated since independence, so that we can reach effective solutions that end hatred, the culture of exclusion, the culture of loyalty to ideologies and tribal fanaticism, and the culture of relying on foreign countries hostile to the democratic system and greedy for Sudan’s resources.
The strategic dialogue must end the culture of destructive dualities represented by Islamists versus Communists, the Umma Party versus the Federal Party, the North versus the South, the government versus the opposition, so that the strategic slogan of all political and societal forces is “We are all sons of the Sudanese people, with the consolidation of a sustainable democratic system.”
Our strategic tools for managing differences of diversity and disparity, not contradiction and contradiction, to consolidate a sustainable democratic system are dialogue and peacefulness.
Most importantly, this war must end with the sovereignty of a professional, national, unified, non-ideological national army, whose firm belief is to preserve the constitution and guard the borders.
Note :
This intervywas with our brother Montaser Habani after the fall of the city of Madani and the expansion of the Rapid Support Forces RSF north of the White Nile state and their control over the city of Al-Qetaina.
Has the behavior of the Rapid Support Forces RSF changed towards society or is society still the target of this war??

We continue